III. The Dalai Clique's Separatist
Activities and the Central
Government's Policy
How Does the Dalai Clique Carry Out His Separatist
Activities?
Starting from the point of maintaining the unification of the motherland
and national unity, the central government adopted an attitude of patient
waiting towards the Dalai Lama after he fled abroad. His position as a
vice-chairman of the NPC Standing Committee was preserved until 1964.
However, surrounded by foreign anti-China forces and Tibetan separatists,
the Dalai Lama completely renounced the patriotic stand which he once
expressed and engaged in numerous activities to split the motherland.
-- Publicly advocating that "Tibet is an independent state." In June
1959, the Dalai Lama issued a statement in Mussoorie, India which read
"Tibet had actually been independent." In March 1991, during his visit to
Britain, the Dalai Lama told the press that Tibet "is the biggest
occupied country in the world today." He proclaimed on many occasions
that "the task of realizing the independence of Tibet has fallen upon all
Tibetans in and outside Tibet."
-- Setting up the "government in exile." In the early 1960s, the Dalai
clique convened the "people's congress of Tibet" in Dharamsala, India,
which established the so-called "Tibetan government in exile." A
so-called "constitution" was promulgated, which states that "the Dalai
Lama is the head of state," "the ministers shall be appointed by the
Dalai Lama" and "all work of the government shall not be approved without
the consent of the Dalai Lama." The 1991 revised "constitution" of the
Dalai clique still stipulates that the Dalai is "the head of the state."
The Dalai Lama and his so-called "government in exile" kept levying an
"independence tax" on Tibetans residing abroad, established "offices" in
some countries, published magazines and books advocating "Tibetan
independence" and engaged in political activities for "Tibetan
independence."
-- Reorganizing the armed rebel forces. In September 1960, the Dalai
clique re-organized the "religion guards of the four rivers and six
ranges" in Mustang, Nepal, which carried on military harassment
activities along the Chinese border for ten years. Its first
commander-in-chief Anzhugcang Goinbo Zhaxi wrote in his memoirs Four
Rivers and Six Ranges that "a series of attacks were organized on Chinese
outposts" and "sometimes, 100 or 200 Tibetan guerrillas went as far as
100 miles into the area occupied by the Chinese." The Dalai Lama wrote
articles praising Goinbo Zhaxi.
-- Spreading rumors and calumnies and plotting riots. Ignoring facts, the
Dalai Lama fabricated numerous lies to sow dissension among the various
nationalities and incite the Tibetan people to oppose the central
government during his 30-year self-exile abroad. He said that "the
17-Article Agreement was imposed on Tibet under armed force"; "the Hans
have massacred 1.2 million Tibetans"; "owing to Han immigration, the
Tibetans have become a minority in Tibet"; "the Communists in Tibet force
women to practice birth control and abortion"; the government opposes
religious freedom and persecutes religious people; traditional Tibetan
culture and art are in danger of extinction; the natural resources in
Tibet have been seriously depleted; there is severe environmental
pollution in Tibet, etc. The riots in Lhasa from September 1987 to March
1989 were incited by the Dalai clique and plotted by rebels who were sent
back to Tibet. The riots incurred severe losses to the lives and property
of Tibetans.
The Dalai's words and deeds have showed that he is no longer only a
religious leader as he claims. On the contrary, he has become the
political leader engaged in long-term divisive activities abroad.
'Tibetan Indepedence' Brooks No Discussion
The central government has adopted a consistent policy towards the Dalai
Lama. It urges him to renounce separatism and return to the stand of
patriotism and unity.
On December 28, 1978, the Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping said to AP
correspondents that "the Dalai Lama may return, but only as a Chinese
citizen"; "we have but one demand -- patriotism. And we say that anyone
is welcome, whether he embraces patriotism early or late." This indicates
the central government's attitude of welcoming the Dalai Lama back to the
motherland.
The Dalai Lama sent representatives to Beijing to contact the central
government on February 28, 1979. On March 12, Deng Xiaoping met the Dalai
Lama's representatives and said to them, "The Dalai Lama is welcome to
come back. He can go out again after his return." With regard to the
central government's negotiation with the side of the Dalai Lama, Deng
pointed out, "Now, whether the dialogue to discuss and settle problems
will be between the central government and Tibet as a state or Tibet as a
part of China? This is a practical question." "Essentially Tibet is a
part of China. This is the criterion for judging right or wrong."
The central government did everything possible to persuade the Dalai Lama
and his followers, through negotiations, to give up their separatism and
return to the motherland. The central government leaders have since 1980
met a number of delegations sent back by the Dalai Lama and reiterated on
many occasions the central government's policy towards the Dalai Lama.
To satisfy the desire of both local and overseas Tibetans for visits and
contacts, the central government has formulated and practiced the policy
of free movement in and out of the country. It has also made clear that
all patriots belong to one big family, whether they rally to the common
cause now or later, and bygones can be bygones. From August 1979 to
September 1980, central government departments concerned received three
visiting delegations and two groups of relatives sent by the Dalai Lama.
Most of the Dalai Lama's kin residing abroad have made return visits to
China. Since 1979, Tibet and other Tibetan-inhabited areas have received
some 8,000 overseas Tibetans who came to visit relatives or for
sightseeing, and helped settle nearly 2,000 Tibetan compatriots.
Regretfully, the Dalai Lama did not draw on the good will of the central
government. Instead, he further intensified his separatist activities. At
a meeting of the Human Rights Subcommittee of the US Congress held in
September 1987, the Dalai Lama put forward a "five-point proposal"
regarding the so-called status of Tibet. He continued to advocate
"Tibetan Independence," and instigate and plot a number of riots in
Lhasa. In June 1988, the Dalai Lama raised a so-called "Strasbourg
proposal" for the solution of the Tibet issue. On the premise that Tibet
"had always been" an independent state, the proposal interpreted the
issue of a regional national autonomy within a country as a relationship
between a suzerain and a vassal state, and between a protector and a
protected state, thus denying China's sovereignty over Tibet and
advocating the independence of Tibet in a disguised way. The central
government naturally rejected the proposal, because it was a conspiracy
the imperialists once hatched in order to carve up China. The Chinese
government solemnly declared, "China's sovereignty over Tibet brooks no
denial. Of Tibet there could be no independence, nor semi-independence,
nor independence in disguise."
Nevertheless, the central government still hopes that the Dalai Lama
would rein in at the brink of the precipice and change his mind. In early
1989, the 10th Bainqen Lama passed away. Taking into account the
historical religious ties between various generations of the Dalai Lama
and the Bainqen Lama as teacher and student, the Buddhist Association of
China, with the approval of the central government, invited the Dalai
Lama to come back to attend the Bainqen Lama's memorial ceremonies.
President Zhao Puchu of the association handed a letter of invitation to
a personal representative of the Dalai Lama, providing the Dalai Lama
with a good opportunity to meet with people in the Buddhist circles in
China after 30 years of exile. But the Dalai Lama rejected the invitation.
As 1989 witnessed a new international anti-China wave, the Nobel Peace
Prize Committee in Norway, with clearly political motives, awarded the
1989 Nobel Peace Prize to the Dalai Lama, giving its strong support to
the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan separatists. Since then, the Dalai Lama
has travelled the world, advocating Tibet's separation from China.
The Dalai Lama simultaneously intensified his efforts to incite and plot
riots in Tibet. On January 19, 1990, he said over the BBC: If the Beijing
government fails to hold talks with him on his plan of Tibet's autonomy
within a year, he will have to change his stand of compromise with China;
many young Tibetans stand for the use of force. On April 4, 1991, the
Dalai Lama said in the Tibetan language program of the Voice of America,
"All matters shall be further strengthened for Tibet's independence."
Again on October 10 the same year, he tried instigation in a similar
program, "At present, so large a number of Hans are pouring into Tibet
that many young Tibetans cannot find jobs. This adds a further element of
instability in the Tibetan society. Therefore, new riots are quite
possible."
It is because the Dalai Lama sticks to his position of "Tibetan
independence" and continues his efforts to split the motherland in and
outside China that contacts between the central government and the
representatives of the Dalai Lama have yielded no results.
In an interview with Xinhua News Agency reporters on May 19, 1991, on the
eve of the 40th anniversary of Tibet's peaceful liberation, Premier Li
Peng of the State Council of the People's Republic of China pointed out,
"The central government's policy towards the Dalai Lama has been
consistent and remains unchanged. We have only one fundamental principle,
namely, Tibet is an inalienable part of China. On this fundamental issue
there is no room for haggling. The central government has always
expressed its willingness to have contact with the Dalai Lama, but he
must stop activities to split the motherland and change his position for
'Tibetan independence.' All matters except 'Tibetan independence' can be
discussed."
The central government is willing to contact and negotiate with the Dalai
Lama; the door remains open. The central government's policy towards the
Dalai Lama is also clear. To be responsible for the history, the Chinese
nation and its 1.1 billion people, including the Tibetan people, the
central government will make not the slightest concession on the
fundamental issue of maintaining the motherland's unification. Any
activity attempting to realize "Tibetan independence" and split the
motherland by relying on foreign forces is an ignominious move betraying
the motherland and the whole Chinese nation including the Tibetan
nationality. The central government resolutely denounces this kind of
action and will never allow it to succeed. The central government will
continue to implement a series of special policies and preferential
measures to promote the construction and development of Tibet so as to
enhance national unity, construct a prosperous economy, enrich culture
and improve the people's livelihood. Any activity sabotaging stability
and unity in Tibet and any unlawful deed creating disturbance and
inciting riots runs against the basic interests of the Tibetan people and
will be cracked down on relentlessly.
So long as the Dalai Lama can give up his divisive stand and admit that
Tibet is an inalienable part of China, the central government is willing
to hold talks at any time with him. The Dalai Lama is warmly welcome to
return to the embrace of the motherland at an early date and do some work
that is conducive to maintaining the motherland's unification, the
national unity, as well as the affluent and happy lives of the Tibetan
people.
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